The story of the arrival and success of the embryonic Industrial democracy has been told. The fact that a new economic power has arisen and is achieving new political and social triumphs within the old social order cannot be denied. But the question arises, can it endure? Will the embryo thus conceived develop until it overgrows and dominates all institutions in the interests of a new era?
To answer these questions positively is impossible. Humanity is not gifted with the faculty of prophecy or divination. It can only speculate upon, or point out the tendencies of, the future on the basis of the past. As Patrick Henry well said, "The past is the lamp by which we may guide our steps in the future." To the past, then, we may refer, in order to set forth our beliefs regarding coming society.
The past teaches us that every profound beginning is obscure and crude. Modern society and government began in the craft and trades associations of the middle ages. These developed the industrial arts and commerce in opposition to the serfdom and war of feudalism; and gave power to the communes and cities, which either overthrew the feudal nobility or else compelled its practical abdication, though still tolerating its outward forms. Many of these communes and cities "arose from the depths of marshes which served as a retreat for piracy."*) Now they are noted for their magnificent architecture and imposing wealth; not to mention power.
The early burghers or bourgeoisie, were despised and ridiculed. They were held in such low esteem as to be placed outside the baronial castles, there to be exploited without consideration. They were not of noble birth; they owned no lands, nor serfs. They were artificers, manual laborers and toilers, who, from the days of antiquity, had been deemed inferior in brain and body to the patricians who fought and directed the affairs of state. But, nevertheless, they gradually became, through manufacture, commerce and banking, the mainstay of society. Through their economic power and wealth they purchased or compelled privileges. Thus, they climbed to the top, until now they control modern life, especially in America. Here they have developed the private corporation, a form of organization which has outgrown the control of the State, and is more powerful than it, by far. To capture control of the modern state is to capture a husk without a kernel. A new governmental power has arisen. It is within this modern force that the new industrial democracy is conceived and is striving for emancipation.
Make note of the fact that the burghers or bourgeoise did not attempt to become part and parcel of the feudal nobility; that is, they did not attempt their own development through institutions of, by and for the feudal nobility. They did not attempt to secure possession of the lands, the castles, the arms and armies of the aristocracy by feudal agencies. They developed their own institutions, their crafts, their trade, their guilds, their communes and confederations outside of and in opposition to the institutions peculiar to the original feudal constitution. They builded the new society within the shell of the old; they evolved out of the old by means of new institutions in keeping with their new aspirations.
The evolution of the bourgeoisie was by no means an even evolution. It was not one long series of uninterrupted successes. Nor was it of rapid development. At times, the bourgeoisie were overwhelmed by superior force, or their own weaknesses and mistakes. At times their cause seemed hopeless; apparently obliterated, blotted out, beyond all hopes of reappearance. Or they were swamped, immersed, and almost drowned out, in the terrible struggles raging within the feudal class itself. Nonetheless, they struggled on for centuries, now without, now with, success; compelled to do so by the economic forces that called them into being as the capitalist class, now the most triumphant class in all society; the class in which a Morgan is more powerful than a President, a Kaiser or a Pope.
In view of such a development on the part of autocratic capitalism, there is hope for the development of the industrial democracy. In fact, such development is already underway.
Obscurity and crudity mark the beginnings of the modern working class' rise to power. The working class press does not compare in prominence, thoroughness and finesse with the press of the capitalist class; it is hardly heard and little known. Working class literature and art are practically non-existent, though giving indications of approaching birth. Its organizations are not as strong nor as comprehensive as are the trusts, nor the money power of a Morgan which binds the trusts into one stupendous financial autocracy. In brief, the working class is only stirring; it has not yet arisen to its full stature, as has its opponent. Like him in early years, it has its weaknesses and makes mistakes, to its own undoing. Like him, too, it is often caught in the vortex of struggles that mark the internal strife for supremacy in the enemies' camp. Like him, finally, it often is, to all appearances, wiped out, obliterated, drowned, beyond hope of resuscitation, in the sea of modern capitalism.
Despite all this, however, the modern working class is a mighty factor that is growing in strength and clearness. Every once in a while it bestirs itself with a vehemence and a power that causes society to tremble lest it collapse. Thanks to the giant organization of capital that has given rise to the giant organization of labor, the working class is being taught how to unite as never before. The working class is learning that on its labor power social welfare depends. When Labor folds its arms society is paralyzed and starves. Why then should not, in all justice, the working class dominate society? Why, in view of its stupendous social character, should it be the submerged of society? Labor is asking and answering these questions, in its own way, regardless of capitalist institutions, law, state or government. The character of the questions and the answers are not always clear to labor itself, which acts instinctively, under the pressure of modern economic forces, and in accordance with their evolution.
Turn to Lawrence, and observe that there the evolution of industry temporarily projected a new form of industrial government into existence, regardless of the prevailing forms and in defiance of them. Here there was a distinct working class challenge to capitalist society on the lines of the class struggle and modern industrial evolution, well wrought out and carried to the greatest success possible at the present stage of social development. In Lawrence, the workers recognized, some clearly, most instinctively, the social character of their labor power. They saw in it the basis on which to check a decline in their wages and conditions; and, further, improve both. Not only that, but they repeatedly thereafter, in the general strike and in the trial of Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso, reasserted their power as before. They did this through their own class institutions—their industrial unionism.
In England, also, tremendous events have occurred. In this land of classical capitalism, trades unionism, labor parliamentarianism and conservatism, a like revolution has occurred. The transport workers, miners and railroaders have gone on industrial strikes, in which they also created, temporarily, working class institutions more powerful than the capitalist state; institutions that compelled that state to act for, instead of against strikers as previously; for example, in legislation favoring the minimum wage and promising social reform. These institutions presage and reflect in advance the working class institutions of the future that will be developed along the lines dictated by industrial evolution; and not by political theorists.
Still other recent events can be referred to that are full of stupendous significance, in that they reflect the instinctive tendency of the workers to get near the economic heart of all social problems. Take the Bingham, Utah, miners' strike, for instance. Here some 5,000 men, mostly armed, seized possession of extensive mining properties. They did not leave their jobs and go outside of the premises to defend them against scabs, but they stayed on them, and compelled negotiations with them while thus situated. May not the day come when all the workers will have evoluted so far as to be able to seize possession of capitalist property, and stay on the jobs, while turning the capitalist owners out? Who can tell? Do coming events now, as always, cast their shadows before? The future alone can decide.
One thing is evident: that Labor is alive to the importance of its labor power. Accordingly, the oppressors of the working class fear its every move. Never before have they dreaded its revolutionary tendencies as they do now. And never before have they sought to dominate its course as they do now. They originate civic federations for the purpose. They favor A. F. of L. unionism as against the Industrial Unionism of the I. W. W. Their papers bestow praise on the constitutional enactments of the Socialist party that are aimed at genuine industrial unionism. (They know who are their friends, though their friends may not always be aware of the character of the company they keep.) In short, heaven and hell are being used by capitalism to prevent industrialism for and by the industrialists, to evolve along evolutionary lines.
But there need be no fear about the ultimate overthrow of capitalism. Society is not given to standing still. It is moving with a rapidity that its henchmen and the petty politicians of all schools cannot stop nor modify. They have tried it and failed. They will try again and fail again.
The future ultimately belongs to Labor, unless all signs are wrong.
[Written In Italian by Carlo Tresca: translated by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn.]
Fellow Workers:—
Comrades of labor and drudgery—you have returned to work. But inaction, disbanding or weakness is still criminal since means that with your own hands you will thrust Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso to jail or death.
You have been too strong, noble, lion-like, in your courage during the sympathetic strike for the release of Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso. But can it be also true that you are now timid, cowardly and uncertain?
The rabble of the masters and their hirelings have hurled enraged epithets at the I. W. W. Why? Because they had thought until a few days ego that the I. W. W. was lifeless. The 24 hour strike has demonstrated to the whole world that the I. W. W. continues to exist—virile and strong.
The masters and the upholders of the masters condemn the I. W. W. the of God and country. These questions have no bearing on the I. W.W. We have never made an issue of religion in our union, but there is a proverb, "God helps him who helps himself," and we have helped ourselves so effectively that we have obtained 15 per cent increase of wages, shorter hours and the abolition of the premium system.
We unite to gain from our masters a better livelihood—more bread. To gain this economic betterment we must be united, sustain the union, and help each other as brothers. Religion has nothing to do with these shop activities.
And why should the blood of the enemies of our union boil over the question of country? We have all been driven out of our own countries, wandering over the earth looking for work and as the sons of 27 countries we have a common symbol, the banner of our union. (The American flag did not succeed in saving us from the violence of the police and militia during the strike.)
Against our onion's symbol today the masters, clergy, police, judge. and soldiers are arrayed. Why? In order to destroy our organization and compel us to return to the mills, disbanded and powerless, to spend our lives toiling without hope.
It is, perhaps, hard for you, my fellow worker., to understand that men will use the name of God and country to destroy your union. In the interests of the masters, of course, and not with regard for your welfare, do they make patriotism their shield. But these people never cared for you. They never came among you to explain how to help yourself, to explain unionism, they never attempted to assist you during the strike, they neither wept at your sufferings nor rejoiced at your success, but they despised and exploited you without pity.
But are you now left with your spirit crushed beneath the weight of despair? "Every rose has in thorn"—every struggle its hardships.
With the 24 hour strike we made the most notable protest in the history of the labor movement. Yes, it was painful, but no happiness comes without tears, and remember even though it is hard that some are without work and suffering, Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso endangering their very lives for you! Have they not been prison nine long, weary months? And now would you betray them, wash your hands of the responsibility of their lives sell them like Judas for money and security? This is a critical moment, brothers of toil and drudgery. Immediately after the 24 hour strike we hoped that Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso would return to our midst free. Since then the trial has been postponed and the masters have discovered your weakness, your lack of freedom of thought and all talk of Ettor, Caruso and Giovannitti has been forgotten. Atwill, the would-be .executioner, lifts his head. If you accept this false challenge, if you rivet your attention on this sham issue, then between you and the men who talk of God and country the lives of Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso are in danger.
What their prosecutors and your enemies want is not to glorify Christopher Columbus, but to take the lives of Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso. Then, fellow workers, do not betray those who have put their lives in jeopardy and are in grave danger of losing them. Do not betray them, but let us bind ourselves together, reorganize, join hands, stand as one man for the freedom of Ettor, Giovannitti and Caruso and for our union.
Central Committee No. 20, I. W. W.
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